Press Releases: Three-city news war

Published in the Portland Phoenix

The Portland Press Herald is really under the gun right now, from within and without its walls.

On the inside, PPH staffers have been working without a contract since the end of June. While there have been a couple of meetings between union and company negotiators, progress is slow, according to Kathy Munroe, the administrative officer of the Portland Newspaper Guild.

One factor may be newspaper owner Richard Connor's loud and repeated announcements that his company, which also owns the Waterville-based Morning Sentinel and the Augusta-based Kennebec Journal, is profitable, that revenue is up, that circulation is up, and web traffic is climbing.

Revenue and profit information is held closely in the private company, but Audit Bureau of Circulations numbers say the circulation decline has been accelerating for three years running (6.2 percent, 7.8 percent, and 8.7 percent for the years ending in March 2009, 2010, and 2011, respectively), with now barely above 51,000 copies daily. Web-traffic stats are notoriously hard to rely on, but the Press Herald's site is no longer the top news site in the state; it is now second to the Bangor Daily News's online presence, according to Al Diamon's reporting on Compete.com and other online trackers.

The union members, who collectively own 15 percent of the company, want raises. (They took a 10-percent pay cut as part of the deal that let Connor purchase the company in March 2010.) Connor just announced that he wants buyouts and layoffs because of declining advertising revenue.

He is an experienced union-buster (and has already been reducing union numbers by outsourcing five people's jobs to a call center in Central America; see "Calling MaineToday in Honduras," by Jeff Inglis, August 5). This could be a drawn-out fight that could include debates over what — and whether — profits actually exist at the paper. (Munroe says the union is able to see some revenue numbers, but not the full financial status of the company.)

While attempting to keep his staff on task, Connor is facing what may be an even bigger challenge from outside. For years now the company that owns the third-largest Maine daily newspaper (the Lewiston Sun Journal) has chipped away at the Press Herald's base with its group of Forecaster newspapers, which include a Portland edition as well as editions covering the northern and southern suburbs.

And a year ago the second-largest daily paper in the state siphoned from the PPH, when the Bangor Daily News hired away business reporter Matt Wickenheiser, and tasked him with reporting from Portland.

But in the past month, as initially reported by Al Diamon, the BDN has fully joined the fray, adding two more reporters covering southern areas of the state.

The coverage gap is closing; it's actually possible that by the end of 2011, the Press Herald will have fewer reporters on its home turf than its two chief competitors combined. (Add the BDN's three to the Forecaster's six, and you're just three shy of the pre-layoff 12PPH reporters — not counting sports or State House coverage.)

• As Colin Woodard reported in these pages on August 19 and the Blaine House announced officially last week, Governor Paul LePage has nominated one of his top advisors, Ann Robinson, to serve on the board of the Maine Public Broadcasting Network. LePage's conflicts with MPBN reporters have extended from the campaign through budget season, though his proposal to remove all tax funding from the organization was shot down in the legislature. With MPBN just beginning to process applications from people who want to serve as the group's president, Robinson's nomination couldn't come at a more opportune time for the governor. While hers will not be the only voice on the board, she's certainly as well connected in the halls of power as any other member.

• Chris Cinquemani, late of the Maine Heritage Policy Center, and James O'Keefe, the selective editor of his own hidden-camera "stings" of places like Acorn and Maine's Department of Health and Human Services, recently called Lewiston Sun Journal political reporter Steve Mistler's work misleading and biased. Mistler doesn't need my — or anyone's — defense for his talented, aggressive work that seeks truth beneath misinformation from all sources. O'Keefe's allegations of media bias on the part of others are transparently distractive and simply hilariously ironic.

We Told You So Dept: FairPoint layoffs were always part of the plan

Published in the Portland Phoenix

While FairPoint executives are saying that the 400 layoffs the company announced last week are related to "workload" and "competition," they're hoping everyone forgot that their business model — especially in northern New England — requires regular downsizing to have a prayer at success.

The North Carolina-based telecommunications company, which promised to create as many as 675 jobs starting in 2008 if it was allowed to buy Verizon's landline business in Maine, New Hampshire, and Vermont, is now getting rid of 375 jobs in those three states (and 25 jobs in other states FairPoint serves).

Back in 2007, the Portland Phoenix broke the story that FairPoint's business model contained several questionable assumptions, including that the price of gas for company vehicles would not increase for seven years, and that spending on employee salaries and benefits would stay flat as well. (See "FairPoint: No Raises For Seven Years," by Jeff Inglis, November 16, 2007.)

When that story came out, FairPoint's executive vice-president for corporate development, Walt Leach, called to clarify my initial assumption that FairPoint wasn't planning raises. Rather, he said, the company predicted that as many as four percent of its workforce would leave every year, and there were no plans to replace them. The savings from having fewer workers would provide enough money to give raises to those who stayed, Leach told me. (See "No Raises: It Gets Better," by Jeff Inglis, November 30, 2007.)

That's cold comfort for the 150 people whose jobs evaporated with less than a week's notice. Pete McLaughlin, of the International Brotherhood of Electrical Workers, the union representing all of the laid-off people, says FairPoint could have let them go the day of the announcement, but agreed to keep them on for a few days. Another 75 or 80 so-called "temporary" workers, hired by FairPoint to handle the transition from Verizon, hold what McLaughlin says the company calls "critical" positions. The temporary workers holding those jobs will stay on until permanent employees — another 150 of whom are also finding their jobs eliminated — are reassigned to take their places.

Temporary workers, who occupy roughly two-thirds of the jobs being eliminated, get no severance or other compensation for being let go. Adam Fisher, at the Maine Department of Labor, said his agency would be working with FairPoint to provide services such as career-center access and information about unemployment benefits and health-care coverage. McLaughlin said the AFL-CIO's "rapid-response" team is already involved helping workers prepare for their transitions.

The move has renewed criticism of FairPoint from labor sources. McLaughlin says many workers and organizers were quiet about problems they see within FairPoint before the layoffs were announced, in hopes that the company would find its way out of its struggles.

Now that it's clear FairPoint, which needed a federal court's protection to escape bankruptcy as a result of the terms of its 2008 purchase, remains in serious trouble, the critics are raising their voices once more.

"This company's been in a downward spiral," McLaughlin says, citing a "revolving door of leadership," and expressing concern that the company may never be able to emerge from its cash-flow problems.

He attributes many of the company's difficulties to the back-end management and maintenance computer system set up as part of the purchase. (Verizon refused to transfer its actual customer, technical support, and service-call database structures to FairPoint, requiring the new buyer to build its own system from the ground up to both accommodate Verizon's data and, FairPoint hoped, streamline the company's workflows.) McLaughlin says the new computer system still doesn't work efficiently, which means that the layoffs are getting rid of productive workers. "Everybody's busy . . . working overtime every day," he says. As the staff gets smaller, the workload will increase, and the inefficiencies will multiply.

McLaughlin's criticism raises significant concerns about FairPoint's ability to provide service at the level required by state regulators. Thomas Welch, chairman of the Maine Public Utilities Commission, told the Phoenix that the commission would be watching FairPoint carefully, and is prepared to issue penalties if the company fails to meet state-mandated standards for service performance.

Welch says FairPoint has been "struggling" since the takeover, and though he has seen "significantly better" outcomes this year than in the past, the company's still not where it needs to be, in terms of providing service and maintenance. He noted that LD 1466, a law passed in the most recent session of the Maine Legislature, has somewhat limited the PUC's ability to impose penalties, but hopes the remaining threat will keep FairPoint moving in the right direction. The key, he says, is to make sure "the customers don't get caught in the backwash."

FairPoint spokespeople Jeff Nevins and Meghan Woodlief did not return multiple phone calls seeking comment for this story.

Gubernatorial scorecard: Storm clouds

Published in the Portland Phoenix

We just weathered a storm that hit harder elsewhere than it did in Maine. Along a similar line, we're finding that the Tea Party-style allegations of government waste, welfare fraud, and excessive regulation are not quite as severe here as critics claim; whether they're more real in other places remains to be seen. In any case, here are the storms facing Governor Paul LePage in our eighth Gubernatorial Scorecard, in which we score LePage on political savvy, and on whether what he's trying to do is good policy. Note the running total.

ABSENT STORM | LePage recently hosted a delegation of officials from northwestern Russia, calling international exchange "mutually beneficial." He's right, but it's hard to envision a Democratic governor engaging in the same effort without allegations of cavorting with communists (the Russians' actual politics notwithstanding).
POLITICS • Shows LePage has total control over the extreme right-wing in Maine | 10/10
POLICY • Inclusive, culturally sensitive, historically conscious. Who'd'a thunk it? | 10/10

AID STORM | Even before Hurricane Irene made landfall farther south on the East Coast last week, LePage issued an emergency declaration, which allowed state agencies to use their money and personnel to help wherever it might be needed. That's what government is for, after all. But this is a man who wants all individuals to stand up for themselves, and who wants to cut state spending?
POLITICS • Shows LePage has total control over all of his political allies, not just the extremists | 8/10
POLICY • Obviously the right thing to do, unless you're on the (political) right | 10/10

BUDGET STORM | The latest LePage attack on government spending is called "zero-based budgeting," in which every state program is allegedly reviewed as if it were being proposed for the first time, and put through a rigorous cost-benefit analysis. Maybe it's new to Augusta, but towns claim to do this all the time.
POLITICS • Shifts blame for future budget cuts away from the governor | 10/10
POLICY • Remains to be seen whether cold analysis trumps political rhetoric | 5/10

WELFARE STORM | The administration has made a lot of noise about fighting welfare fraud, including announcing prosecutions and incarcerations, and proposing hiring more investigators to ferret out more abuse. But when a partisan activist released a carefully edited video purporting to show fraud, LePage backpedaled and said state staff simply need better training.
POLITICS • Clever effort to have it both ways: demonize waste, but protect those who are supposed to prevent it | 7/10
POLICY • If welfare fraud is too complex for partisan games, why play them himself? | 2/10

REGULATION STORM | LePage is now requiring all state agencies to run new and proposed rules past his office for vetting based on their impact on "job growth or creation." Given that many government rules restrict business practices for the sake of public interest (see: no dumping dioxin in rivers), this risks handing businesses license to trample the rest of us.
POLITICS • Government rules are a popular scapegoat | 8/10
POLICY • State agencies serve the public, not businesses. Balancing interests will be vital, and difficult. | 5/10

This month's total | Politics 43/50 | Policy 32/50 | Last month: Politics 43/50 | Policy 22/50 | Overall: Politics 274/400 | Policy 173/400

Marijuana Watch: Green light for Maine’s biggest dispensary company

Published in the Portland Phoenix

It'll be a while before Portlanders with doctor's orders for medical marijuana have a local dispensary, but Northeast Patients Group may open its first facility in Thomaston in the next couple of weeks.

NPG, which holds four of Maine's first eight dispensary licenses, is still embroiled in a legal battle with Berkeley Patients Group, its original financing partner (see "Keep Patients Waiting," by Deirdre Fulton, July 22) — a fight that now involves not just the original lawsuit, claiming breach of contract and other problems, but a countersuit seeking lots of money NPG claims BPG should have paid out but never did.

But NPG cleared a major hurdle resulting from its rift, getting state approval last week for its revised financing deal, backed now by former NBA player Cuttino Mobley and the California-based Farmacy Institute for Wellness.

A letter from Catherine Cobb, the Maine Department of Health and Human Services official in charge of medical-marijuana licensing, said the new deal was substantially similar to the previous arrangement with BPG, which had won state approval. Cobb noted that there was potential concern over NPG's ability to funnel "excessive profits" to the Farmacy Institute through paid consultants' fees, but said NPG's list of fees allayed those worries.

Where the Portland dispensary will go — and when it will open — remain to be seen, though NPG says it's shooting for October. Complicating issues abound (see "Smoke Local," by Deirdre Fulton, February 18 and "Where to Put the Pot," by Kegan Zema, June 11, 2010, for examples of economic and logistical concerns), and the Portland City Council has yet to weigh in.

Press Releases: Declare yourself

Published in the Portland Phoenix

The 8000-plus-word play-by-play of the raid that killed Osama bin Laden, written by freelancer Nicholas Schmidle and published in the New Yorker recently, is a fascinating read, with lots of juicy details (example: the plan was always to kill bin Laden, not capture him) delivered in the rapid-fire pace of a military thriller novel.

It has spawned a large set of after-the-fact writings too, speculating about how Schmidle got the information and how reliable it really is, given the bombshell revelation that Schmidle's account, written from the perspective of the Navy Seals who conducted the mission, was based on secondhand interviews and not a single interview with a Seal who participated in the raid.

Russ Baker of WhoWhatWhy, in a column republished on Salon, laid out the most detailed critique, noting contradictions in previous accounts by government officials (including President Obama's counterterrorism adviser, John O. Brennan, who was quoted by name in the New Yorker piece), questions about the lack of supporting evidence for the account, and shortcomings of logic within the piece itself that call its veracity into question.

New Yorker editor David Remnick has defended the piece, saying the sources are known to company executives and were fact-checked according to the magazine's standards.

The episode shows that we are in a new media-consumption environment, in which it is not just conspiracy theorists and backwoods kooks who are concerned about being manipulated by the media. The general public is rightly worried about both motivations and national security, and the only cure is transparency — a feature sorely lacking in that article.

Accusations have already flown about whether Schmidle (and the New Yorker, by extension) is being used by government officials, either to cheerlead for Obama's handling of the fight against terrorism, or to whitewash a mission muddied by legal and moral quandaries.

But over the weekend, another important issue became clear to me, during an extensive conversation with a friend's father. A long-retired captain in the US Navy, who worked both aboard ship and in the Pentagon, this man is a perceptive thinker with a lot of political and media savvy.

He had a large number of concerns about the reporter's role, and the New Yorker's, in publishing material that at least at one time was classified, and may still be. His concern along this line extended to pieces in other media that identified the attackers as a special-operations force called DevGru (formerly known as Seal Team 6), and went so far as to identify the town where many of those fighters live. He suggested, as have many others, that perhaps the Taliban's shooting down of a US special-operations helicopter, killing as many as 25 members of DevGru, may have been planned as revenge specifically because the unit was publicly identified.

I dove in, defending press freedom, arguing in favor of publication of government secrets, the better to monitor our democracy with.

As our conversation deepened, it emerged that he had fewer concerns about the reporting the New York Times had done on the Bush administration's warrantless-wiretapping program, which top White House staffers objected to on the grounds that any publicity at all would endanger national security.

What made the difference? The Times included in that package information about the government's objections, as well as the Times management's assessment of those concerns, and details of the action the paper took (withholding some details that editors agreed were dangerous to make public).

That type of straight talking was what was missing from the New Yorker's bin Laden raid piece.

It turns out that transparency isn't just for the government; if journalists want to be trusted by the public, we should take similar steps as those we propose public servants take.

Stonewalling - AG’s office: ‘If I had it, I wouldn’t give it to you’

Published in the Portland Phoenix

For someone whose government job is to handle media inquiries, Brenda Kielty, special assistant to and spokeswoman for Maine Attorney General William Schneider (a Republican), sure says some strange things on the record.

For example, when I was asking her how much taxpayer money the AG's office spent prosecuting fraud cases in Maine's welfare system, she told me her agency doesn't track attorneys' work by time spent on specific cases. When I asked why this government organization didn't use an extremely common business practice (private-sector attorneys bill in fractions of an hour as small as six minutes), she told me she was no longer going to help me.

And the information I had asked for? "Even if I did have it, I wouldn't give it to you," she said. "Because right now I don't like your tone." (It was quite obvious that it wasn't my calm tone she was objecting to, but rather the content of my questioning.)

I'd been taking notes through our conversation and double-checking things she said to me to make sure I got them right. So I wrote those two startling lines down and then read them back to her. "Excuse me, that's not a quote," she said, saying she would not cooperate with my inquiry into public expenditures "if you're going to be threatening to be putting my every word in print."

As I said, very strange for a person whose assigned job is to speak to the media. For his part, Schneider did not return calls seeking comment. As for the actual information we were seeking, we'll keep asking.

Gubernatorial scorecard: Break time

Published in the Portland Phoenix

Summer's here, and everybody needs a break. Even Governor Paul LePage seems to be taking a holiday from the hard work of keeping his mouth shut in public. What a relief for him to finally be able to relax, wag his chin, flap his lips, and score those wonderful headlines again! Herewith, our seventh Gubernatorial Scorecard, in which we score LePage on political savvy, and on whether what he's trying to do is good policy. Note the running total.

PRAYER BREAK | LePage issued a proclamation saying August 6 was a "Day of Prayer," and then promptly denied it was related to Texas governor Rick Perry's call for a "National Day of Prayer and Fasting" on the same day. Perry's move has generated controversy for being closely tied to the American Family Association, a conservative evangelical Christian group. Maine GOP lawmakers are circulating a letter of support, saying "the struggles we face as a state are often beyond the power of government to solve," and calling on God's aid.
POLITICS • It's an easy pander to his base, and an easy dodge to distance himself from the like-minded Perry | 8/10 POLICY • For a party that campaigned on fixing government, this sounds like "islam" — the Arabic word for "surrender" | 1/10

CRITICISM BREAK | When Marine Resources Commissioner Norman Olsen, generally a reasonable guy, resigned, he issued a damning statement accusing LePage of boot-licking special-interest groups and having a secret agenda kept even from his cabinet members. The press leapt on that, and on LePage's dismissive response was quick, concise, and atypically vengeless. But quietly, he undermined Olsen by giving a GOP operative evidence to the contrary, and later issuing that operative's resulting blog post as an official press release.
POLITICS • He ousted a qualified cabinet member, then quietly wrecked the guy's rep | 8/10 POLICY • Politics aside, third competent cabinet member to exit | 5/10

URBAN BREAK | In Olsen's allegations was a claim that LePage refused to cooperate with Portland leaders because Maine's largest city voted against him last year. LePage met with city mayor Nick Mavodones to assure him that the business engine of the state was never far from gubernatorial thoughts, but made no apology, real promises, or statements of substance.
POLITICS • Pissing off people who already hate him? A big win in the Other Maine | 8/10 POLICY • Stupid threats, especially when retracted, weaken an already struggling leader | 3/10

MEDIA BREAK | Before the meeting with Mavodones, LePage swung wildly at his favorite piñata — the media. Singling out State House insider Mal Leary (of Capitol News Service) for rare praise, the gov claimed that the press didn't publish his side of the Olsen mess, and specifically accused MaineToday reporter Rebekah Metzler of having "never written an honest thing since I've been governor."
POLITICS • It's an old, tiresome canard for most of us, but it works for his anti-media supporters who also hate Portland | 9/10 POLICY • Is he done shooting the messenger yet? | 3/10

SCHOOL BREAK | LePage has proposed extending Maine high schools to five years, after which students would graduate with a standard diploma and an associate's degree or equivalent college credit. How much it would cost Maine taxpayers remains to be seen, but it could boost educational and income levels in our state, which is nationally low in both areas.
POLITICS • A social program couched in economic-development terms — very slick | 10/10 POLICY • An idea with real potential to put Maine among the nation's leaders | 10/10

This month's total | Politics 43/50 | Policy 22/50 | Last month: Politics 40/50 | Policy 13/50 | Overall: Politics 231/350 | Policy 141/350

Offshoring: Calling MaineToday in Honduras

Published in the Portland Phoenix


Maine's largest daily-newspaper group has outsourced its circulation customer-service work to Honduras, letting five Maine-based employees go, reassigning another, and allowing one to retire early.

The workers, some of whom were part-time, were paid at rates that for full-time workers were between $445 and $542 per week, depending on their seniority, according to Kathy Munroe, administrative officer for the Portland Newspaper Guild, the union that represents most of the paper's non-management employees.

A call to the circulation number posted on the websites of MaineToday Media, the corporate owner of the Portland Press Herald, Maine Sunday Telegram, Morning Sentinel, and Kennebec Journal newspapers reached a customer-service representative who confirmed he was in San Pedro Sula, Honduras. He was very cordial, even spelling the city's name for me. Another rep there told me there are 14 people there who cover around-the-clock hours solely waiting for calls from MaineToday clients. When asked about his hours and wages, he referred questions to the MaineToday human-resources department in Portland, which referred questions to owner/editor/publisher Richard Connor. Through his assistant, Connor declined to comment.

San Pedro Sula has several call centers, which appear to be based in its high-tech Altia Business Park, where online marketing materials boast about large numbers of English speakers (including numerous English-language schools) as well as high-reliability phone and Internet connectivity to the United States.

The move follows a consolidation within the MaineToday papers that shifted all circulation handling to South Portland, from locations in Augusta and Waterville. Though there have been other intra-company consolidations and transfers, this is the first outsourcing at the company that Munroe is aware of. "I take it personally when I hear about outsourcing," Munroe says. "We're hurting for jobs right here."

She says the company followed the provisions of the union contract, so there will not be a grievance from her organization related to the outsourcing, but "I'm hoping that there's a clamoring from subscribers."

Press Releases: Where's the drumbeat?

Published in the Portland Phoenix

Last week's news was dominated by a larger-than-life figure whose cartoonishly confident self-image was battered by revelations that high-level staffers were engaging in questionable practices while trying to get their jobs done.

No, I'm not talking about Rupert Murdoch, but rather Paul LePage, Maine's governor. There was the Phoenix's own story about a man we'll dub "Copy-Paste LePage" for the way he turns private-interest memos into public policy (see "The LePage Files," by Colin Woodard, July 22, for the details of how lobbyists control his agenda, including overruling his own ideas). And there was the blistering letter released by resigning marine resources commissioner Norman Olsen, accusing LePage of answering to anonymous special interests in the state's fisheries industry, refusing to communicate with one of his cabinet members, and directing public policy by private polls.

Stories like the Murdoch scandal are best handled by a practice Murdoch himself perfected: the constant drumbeat of new revelations, with even minor ones being used as an excuse to recycle all the old allegations, day in and day out, week after week, until the target of the reporting is beaten and battered, with public disgrace forever attached to his name.

LePage fares better in the tame Maine media ecosystem. There is clear evidence that the corporate influence-peddling in the LePage administration has reached levels that in most other states would be considered unacceptable — if not downright corrupt (see, in our own pages, "LePage's Secret Bankers," January 21 and "LePage's Secret Puppeteers," February 11. both by Colin Woodard).

But the Portland Press Herald, Bangor Daily News, and Lewiston Sun Journal — the state's biggest three papers — have given a pass to the governor and his cronies.

They changed that practice slightly when Olsen issued his statement — it was simply too inflammatory to be ignored, especially when written by a career US diplomat, who well knows the importance of word choice. But a week after these charges were issued, the headlines are gone, and LePage can go on his merry way with the tacit approval of the leaders of the state's media organizations.

If you're hoping these newspapers' State House bureaus are just digging behind the scenes and will begin their drumbeat soon, think again.

The coverage of a LePage "town hall" meeting in Dover-Foxcroft (his latest in the "Capitol for a Day" series) was, in fact, clearly friendly to the governor. None of the three papers took even a moment to note that the "questions from the audience" that LePage took were selected by his staff, from among written questions submitted by people as they entered the room before the event started.

MaineToday writer Susan Cover went so far as to say "No one asked LePage about the resignation of his marine resources commissioner" the day before. Her story did not say whether that assertion was based on checking the pile of submitted questions, or whether she simply tallied those that got past the LePage censors and were permitted to be raised aloud — but a meeting attendee suggests she did the latter.

Chris Korzen, co-founder and director of Maine's Majority, says members of his group (the folks with the "61%" stickers and T-shirts) did indeed submit questions about Olsen, as well as about those copy-paste-from-lobbyist practices. Korzen was not surprised that none were chosen. He characterized the meeting as "noncontroversial" and noteworthy mainly because, unlike other such events, where tempers have run hot on all sides, "there was nothing really remarkable at all" at the Dover-Foxcroft event.

While legal investigations are proceeding, public opinion seems clear that Murdoch's staffers engaged in despicable and deplorable acts that may yet clip the wings of his empire. But it seems regrettably likely that the revelations about LePage's public-trust violations have already finished their brief appearance in Maine's media. Unless the drumbeat starts.

Press releases: Shaking up Salt

Published in the Portland Phoenix


A school that has quietly drawn to Portland, trained, and set loose around Maine a large number of journalists and other young creative professionals is entering a new phase, and not a decade too soon.

The Salt Institute for Documentary Studies, which relocated to Congress Street in 2008 after nearly a decade on Exchange Street (with its gallery in the space that is now the Corner Room), is adding more multimedia to its curriculum. The school's students have put out work displayed in a book (which terminated publication a few years back), gallery shows, and "radio church," a semester-end listening party playing work by students in the audio/radio track. In more recent years, many students have posted some of their work online, including collaborative writing, photography, and audio projects. That effort will now expand with additional faculty support.

The school does not grant degrees, but often serves as a host for college students taking a semester away from their regular campus (as well as college grads seeking additional education). Its four part-time faculty members quit earlier this spring "for a variety of reasons over the course of a couple weeks," says Donna Galluzzo, Salt's executive director.

She says the school has been planning a revamp of its curriculum, specifically to incorporate more multimedia work, for some time now. "We've been hearing off and on a lot over the years from students" seeking that sort of instruction in addition to the existing teaching.

"We've always had one class that's been an all-track class," Galluzzo says, and it's there that the school will center its multimedia instruction, led by Christine Heinz, who studied photography at Salt in 2001 and has worked at the school and elsewhere doing photography and multimedia storytelling.

Galluzzo says the multimedia class will seek to merge the existing disciplines at Salt into an online format, and will shy away from outright filmmaking. "We're not looking to be a film school or compete with any film schools," she says. As far as video goes, she says the school will provide "an opportunity for people to dabble."

Similarly for animation; "some (students) come in with tremendous skillsets," Galluzzo says, and Salt is trying to position itself to take better advantage of any opportunities "to combine what they know and what they're learning" that might arise.

The other new instructors have also been hired: Andres Gonzalez will teach photography; Michael May will teach radio; and Caitlin Shetterly will teach writing. Gonzalez is also a Salt alumnus, and a Fulbright Scholar who moved to Istanbul four years ago to document cultural transition in that city, which has been a crossroads for thousands of years. May is an experienced radio journalist (and has a solid print-journalism background) whose work has aired on major nationwide National Public Radio programs. Shetterly, too, is an author and public-radio producer (and former Portland Phoenix scribe).

What comes of these changes remains to be seen; Galluzzo says she is hoping to help students gain more marketable skills and produce more "sellable" pieces. While many Salt students have gone on to work as staffers or freelancers for local media outlets (including the Phoenix), since the demise of the school's own book, few of the students' actual projects for their classes have made it into wider publication. (For a rare exception, see, "Portland's Islamic Center Avoids National Debate," by Maura Ewing, August 27, 2010.)

Galluzzo has expressed interest in coordinating more with local publications and journalism organizations (including the Maine Pro Chapter of the Society of Professional Journalists, a group I serve as president). It's a fair bet that with Salt's new blood and a refined focus, not only the students and school but also Maine media outlets and their audiences could be real winners.

Gubernatorial scorecard: End of the innocence

Published in the Portland Phoenix

As the legislative session ends, the amount and nature of Governor Paul LePage's political influence has become clearer. He is no longer the bombastic blowhard he once was, but neither is he ceding control of major policy initiatives to House and Senate leaders — though it is easy to see why people might think that. Herewith, our sixth Gubernatorial Scorecard, in which we score LePage on political savvy, and on whether what he's trying to do is good policy. Note the running total.

ENDING REGULATION | LePage has trumpeted the passage of LD 1, designed to reduce the state bureaucracy. Republicans have claimed victory, while Democrats are happy they were able to limit the damage the bill might have done. Whether it changes anything in the understaffed, confused state-office hallways remains to be seen.
POLITICS • He led an aggressive charge that moved the compromise line significantly in his favor | 8/10
POLICY • Most of the stuff LD 1 fixed should have been fixed long ago | 8/10

ENDING DEBATE | The governor has vetoed several bills that received overwhelming support in the State House, most notably one that would have limited health-insurance premium costs. Perhaps wary of provoking him, or perhaps persuaded by back-room politics, GOP legislators have switched their own votes and sustained his vetoes.
POLITICS • Requiring his followers to flip-flop, and getting them to agree? | 9/10
POLICY • For a guy who wants to lower health-care costs, he's sure pandering to the problem: insurance companies | 2/10

ENDING VOTER RIGHTS | Proudly declaring that no longer will the non-problem of voter fraud (and the non-problem of overworked municipal clerks) be allowed in Maine, LePage trumpeted his signing of a bill dramatically limiting voter rights, including same-day registration. A people's veto campaign is already under way, and looks to be one of the bigger public battles the governor will have to fight.
POLITICS • Rammed through a divisive bill that will benefit his party significantly | 6/10
POLICY • Though the Founders wanted to limit the franchise, we now know fewer voters is bad for democracy | 1/10

ENDING TAXATION | LePage has also announced his pride in signing a budget providing "the largest tax cut in Maine history." Never mind that nearly all of that cut goes to rich people, nor that he backed down on a March threat to veto anything other than his exact budget as proposed. (This one's more than a little different.)
POLITICS • Got the poor to go against their self-interest yet again | 9/10
POLICY • Next stop: the biggest spending cut in Maine history. Back to dirt roads and one-room schools we go! | 1/10

ENDING CONSISTENCY | Despite promises to let the private sector alone, the governor signed a bill that allowed the state to purchase a landfill in East Millinocket, in hopes of landing a private deal that proponents say could save as many as 450 mill jobs. A similar corporate-bailout deal in Old Town in 2004 never fulfilled its job-preservation promise, and landed the state with a massive cleanup problem.
POLITICS • Gets to say he tried to preserve jobs | 8/10
POLICY • How much more will Mainers spend to preserve jobs that are leaving anyway? | 1/10

This month's total | Politics 40/50 | Policy 13/50 | Last month: Politics 36/50 | Policy 15/50 | Overall: Politics 188/250 | Policy 119/250

Seeking relief: Business-led Haiti-aid group shuts down

Published in the Portland Phoenix

What happens when lawyers, public-relations experts, bankers and accountants, construction contractors, insurance brokers, and manufacturers join forces to get involved in emergency disaster relief in one of the most underdeveloped countries in the Western Hemisphere?

Much less than they hoped, it turns out. The brainchild of Darcy Pierce, a Scarborough-based independent consultant specializing in linking businesses with developing countries, MaineLine Haiti was a non-profit intending to make "a direct, specific difference" in Haitians' lives in the wake of a devastating January 2010 earthquake. The group is dissolving after just 18 months in operation, with no on-the-ground achievements, and is turning over its remaining assets to Portland-based Haiti-aid group Konbit Sante.

From the beginning, Pierce won backing from some of Maine's most reputable companies (including Preti Flaherty, Unum, Reed and Reed, and CD&M Communications) and parlayed that into glowing prognostications (10 schools built by "mid-2011") and fawning interviews in the Portland Press Herald and on several local TV stations. For this story, Pierce repeatedly declined to answer questions, referring thePortland Phoenix to attorney Susan LoGuidice of Preti Flaherty, who also serves on MaineLine's board of directors.

LoGuidice says the businesses "went in trying to do a good thing," but it didn't work out the way they wanted. A key pitfall was that MaineLine Haiti's decision to partner with a non-profit called Samaritan's Purse turned out badly.

In mid-2010 that group, run by Franklin Graham (son of evangelist Billy Graham) and focused on building schools, became the target of allegations that it was inappropriately spending federal disaster-relief grants on evangelical Christian missionary efforts. While Graham and Samaritan's Purse denied any wrongdoing, MaineLine ended the partnership because, LoGuidice says, MaineLine members were uneasy about the organization.

MaineLine, which had raised a total of $62,645 in cash (in addition to unquantified in-kind donations), including $28,500 contributed by the founding businesses, discovered that finding another partner proved difficult, she says.

After paying Pierce a consulting fee for "a number of months," and covering the costs of his two trips to Haiti, MaineLine's backers cut costs — telling Pierce they couldn't afford to pay him anymore (Pierce volunteered thereafter, LoGuidice says) — and looked for a less direct way to help.

"We found a high-quality institution . . . right in our back yard," LoGuidice says, referring to Konbit Sante, which has been helping Haitians improve their health care for 11 years. Pierce had met with the group in Haiti in April 2010, according to his Twitter feed; a tweet called them "great people doing great work." MaineLine decided to give them what remained of its money — around $30,000, LoGuidice says.

Nate Nickerson, Konbit Sante's executive director, says he understands what happened to MaineLine, because working in Haiti is unlike development work elsewhere in the world. "Some of the issues are the same, but the context is different," he says. In a country where more non-governmental organizations are at work than anywhere else on the planet, the people still live in grinding poverty because of a lack of coordination among all those seeking to help, Nickerson says.

Frustration and ultimately stalemate "was the experience of lots of groups that came in" after the earthquake, Nickerson says. His group doesn't have those sorts of problems because it has been working in Haiti since 2000. "We have the relationships in the community," he says, including 33 Haitian staff, an office in the largest hospital in the region that Konbit Sante serves, and a partnership with a group of Haitian medical professionals.

It's through that latter group that Konbit Sante will use the money donated by MaineLine Haiti, Nickerson says. While the deadly cholera epidemic that followed the quake continues — and is on the rise because it is the rainy season in Haiti — funding is dropping because emergency aid is running out. Konbit Sante will teach people how to protect themselves, including clean sanitation practices and water-treatment processing.

While Nickerson says Konbit Sante would welcome the opportunity to partner with any of MaineLine's former sponsors, LoGuidice says "it's too soon to tell" if that will happen. "We're taking a little breather."

Do you accept this fee?

Published in the Portland Phoenix; sidebar to larger banking story by another writer

How much do you spend in ATM fees? Maine consumers are paying more — by one estimate, the average per-transaction charge has risen from $1.50 in 2006 to $2.35 last year. And some ATMs charge $10 or $20, says Yellow Breen, chief strategic officer at Bangor Savings Bank, which is acutely aware of rising ATM fees because it reimburses customers for any changes they incur using non-Bangor ATMs. (The company charges its accountholders no ATM fees of its own.)

Those high prices, Breen says, are mainly for “captive audiences,” such as those at casinos or jails (see “Jail ATM Charges $10 Per Transaction,” by Rick Wormwood, November 12, 2010). But the cost of getting your hands on your money is rising.

Where does that money go? Simply put, it lines the pockets of the banks. But despite criticism from consumer advocates, banks say it’s not as much of a money-maker as you might be thinking.

The big winner in the transaction is likely your bank — the one that holds your account. Many banks charge accountholders for using what are called “foreign ATMs,” the industry term for “ATMs owned by someone other than your bank.” There’s virtually no cost to your bank when you use someone else’s ATM — maybe a few cents, if that. So banks that treat customers that way are simply taking your money.

If the ATM you’re using is owned by a bank (you’ll know; it’ll have the bank’s name plastered all around it as advertising), then the bank will charge a fee. Ostensibly this practice began either as a charge for convenience, or to discourage you from noticing that the most convenient ATM in your life belongs to another bank, so perhaps you should just shift your account there. But now it’s mostly just to keep the ATM from losing money.

Breen says “for the most part they’re not money-makers,” though they are “not super-expensive” either. The super-advanced ATMs, equipped with scanners that a photo of the checks and cash you deposit and print the image on your receipt, can cost $60,000 to $80,000, and will last five to seven years.

Add in the cost of servicing the machines and renting space (or building a larger branch to accommodate the ATM), and a bank is on the hook for $25,000 to $30,000 per year, per machine. “It’s hard to make that up two bucks at a time,” Breen quips. (His bank charges $3 to customers from other banks, but does not charge accountholders for using other banks’ machines, and reimburses customers for any fees those other banks charge.)

Without fees, would there be very many ATMs? Perhaps — Breen says customer convenience and advertising are other benefits of providing ATMs. He adds that Bangor Savings Bank has another incentive to put theirs around — to reduce demand for its reimbursement program.

If it’s not a bank that owns the ATM (the machine is at a convenience store, bar, or nightclub, for example), then the operator of the machine charges a fee, which is often split between the owner of the machine and the owner of the business it’s in. That money covers the purchase and operation of the machine, too, though usually those ATMs are far less sophisticated than bank-owned ones, and can generate a fair amount of cash for their owners, if they’re in high-traffic areas.